วันอังคารที่ 23 เมษายน พ.ศ. 2556

Indispensable Reading: The Watchers, The Rise of America's Surveillance State

AppId is over the quota
AppId is over the quota

Shane Harris's The Watchers, the Rise of America's Surveillance State is a must-read for anyone interested in the war on terror. Harris, who has covered counterterrorism and electronic surveillance for National Journal since the 90's, has composed a book that is thorough, well-written, informative and non-partisan. It offers a discussion of the rise of wiretapping in the post-9/11 era from the perspective of those inside the intelligence community, or "the watchers." In following figures such as Admiral John Poindexter and NSA director Mike Hayden, Harris's narrative traces the origins of the war on terror to the suicide bombing of a U.S. embassy in Lebanon in 1983, and it discusses all the significant developments in the government's efforts to create a surveillance apparatus in response, from the 1994 Communications for Law Assistance Act, which required phone companies to build products with equipment that enables the government to install wiretaps, to the Protect America Act of 2007, which legalized most of the practices initiated in secret by Bush years earlier.

Along the way are many fascinating revelations, such as a chapter-long explanation of Obama's shift in favor of immunizing communications companies from legal retribution shortly before the 2008 election; John Ashcroft's near refusal to sign a document approving Bush's surveillance system in 2003, which would have "rocked the corridors of Washington" (262) by causing a mass exodus among members of the NSA, making the illegal spying program public and hence destroying the President's chances for re-election in 2004; and Bush's woefully late realization, in 2007, that cyber warfare poses a serious threat to national security, prompting him to call for "another Manhattan Project if we need to" (329).

The Watchers revolves largely around John Poindexter, who faced serious legal issues while serving as Ronald Reagan's national security adviser during the Iran-Contra scandal and resurfaced as a key figure in devising a surveillance system to combat terrorism. Branded Total Information Awareness, or TIA, the project was supposed to bolster intelligence capabilities and protect privacy.

Officials sought some of the core proposals of the program well before 9/11. For example, and most riveting, Erik Kleinsmith headed a private company that uncovered public information on the internet to learn about Al Qaeda in 2000. His team had obtained a wealth of vital intelligence that might have been sufficient to thwart the 9/11 operation. But he had technically broken laws and was forced to delete all his findings on pain of imprisonment. After the attacks, however, Bush surreptitiously granted authority by executive order to pursue virtually every counterterrorism measure available. As a result, the NSA now has the right to spy on any conversation involving a terrorist suspect over the internet or via phone without a warrant, so long as one of the parties participating in the conversation is outside the country. As for domestic calls, warrants are still required, but they are easy to obtain, and there is little oversight to prevent abuse. So, if you are in France and call a friend in New York, government agents can listen in without a warrant and with impunity if they decide you are a terrorist suspect. And such determinations are often made on the basis of guilt-by-association. But should you call your New York friend from Florida, the government technically must obtain a warrant.

As such, Poindexter's vision of safeguarding privacy has been left out of the equation. Harris explains that Poindexter initially "proposed an 'immutable audit trail,' a master record of every analyst who had used the TIA system, what data they'd touched, what they'd done with it... Poindexter wanted to use TIA to watch the watchers" (190). But it eventually became clear that the only assurance we have that "their information wouldn't be misused now came from the government agents conducting the surveillance" (342). Harris continues, but "they were the watchers. Who was watching them?" (342).

Consequently, according to the author, bi-annual reviews of surveillance activity during Obama's presidency have repeatedly shown that the watchers regularly spy on Americans who have no connection to terrorism, collecting phone calls and emails of innocent people. Unfortunately, the reviews are conducted after the fact and impose no regulations to curb the systemic law-breaking.

All this might be acceptable if it were clear that the efforts consistently intercept accurate information about terrorists. However, the surveillance program is so massive that analysts are overwhelmed by excessive data and false leads and therefore have trouble connecting dots. As Harris explained on CSPAN when promoting his book, this phenomenon was on display last December during the failed Christmas Day attack, when the bomber was able to board a U.S.-bound aircraft even though his father had contacted the CIA to warn them about his son's radicalism. Since intelligence agencies receive a barrage of such reports every day, it's more difficult for experts to decipher which admonitions are worth heeding.

Harris's main point is that we must have a serious national conversation now about how we should monitor the watchers and protect our privacy. Because when the next attack occurs, which is inescapable according to Harris and every expert on the matter I've heard, this discussion will be merely "academic." The government will crack down even harder and still further revoke basic rights in the name of national security.

For more articles check out my blog: http://scholarlywritingreviewed.com/

[http://scholarlywritingreviewed.com/]



วันอาทิตย์ที่ 14 เมษายน พ.ศ. 2556

How to Identify the Wall of Separation Between God and State in the US Constitution

AppId is over the quota
AppId is over the quota

"Original Intent" is a book by David Barton about Supreme Court rulings that have stripped the Constitution of the founders' original meaning. It was published in 2000 by WallBuilders of Alemedo, Texas.

David Barton Argues Against

Separation of Church and State

The book emphasizes religious aspects of the Constitution, especially the doctrine of separation of church and state. Mr. Barton attempts to show this was not part of the original intent of the founding fathers.

The author discusses eight Supreme Court landmark religious liberty cases which followed the 1947 Everson case. The latter introduced the "wall of separation" terminology. In these he claims the Supreme Court rewrote the original intent of the founders.

Later chapters demonstrate how the new subjective standard of judicial opinion is altering the Constitution and Constitutional law in fundamental ways. The law is in a state of flux because the Constitution has become whatever the justices say it is. This new era of positivistic law began in the 1930s and 1940s.

Thesis Is Flawed

The problem with the book is a flawed thesis. The founders did in fact intend to separate the new government from the authority of biblical law. Surprisingly, David Barton actually applauds this.

David Barton states that "there is simply no historical foundation for the proposition that the Founders intended to build the 'wall of separation' that was constitutionalized in Everson..." (p.179). The actual words, "wall of separation" do not appear, but the wall is nonetheless set in place by Article VI, Section 3.

This provision disestablishes Christianity as the "coin of the realm" so to speak. When the Constitution says that "no religious test shall ever be required for any office...," it makes it illegal to require an officeholder to swear to govern by the Bible. It thus established the U.S. Constitution as a pluralistic and secular document. This is clearly a "wall of separation," divorcing the legal system from its religious foundation.

David Barton alludes to Article VI, but praises its effect. He asserts that, "...it was therefore not within the federal government's authority to examine the religious beliefs of any candidate" (p.34). He adds with approval that "The Founders believed that the investigation of the religious views of a candidate should not be conducted by the federal government, but rather by the voters in each state."

That is the heart of our problem. A declaration of religious neutrality by the Federal government. This would be like Moses coming down from Mt. Sinai and declaring that he wasn't going to favor any particular religion, but would leave it to the tribes.

On the contrary, it is the primary duty of government to require that its officials are committed to Christ and the Christian religion. It is cultural suicide to neglect this duty. The law of God is the only source of justice, and God expects the officeholder to swear to uphold it. David Barton fails to grasp this most basic biblical principle of civil government.

Innocuous Civil Religion

David Barton and the founders prefer a milquetoast civil religion, rather than undiluted Christianity. To quote the author, "I agree fully to what is beautifully and appropriately said in Updegraph v. The Commonwealth... -- Christianity, general Christianity, is, and always has been, a part of the common law: 'not Christianity founded on any particular religious tenets'...(p.70)"

"The Christianity practiced in America was described by John Jay as 'enlightened,' by John Quincy Adams as 'civilized,' and by John Adams as 'rational.'" (p.127). As long as Christianity remains a toothless, feel-good religion, devoid of doctrine, David Barton and the founding fathers are apparently happy with it.

And this leads to another root problem. David Barton virtually always refers to civil government in terms of what it must not do respecting separation of church and state. He ignores the responsibility government has to govern pro-actively in submission to Biblical law. As noted above, his Christianity is toothless when it comes to obligations for the civil magistrate.

This rejection of God and Biblical law as the basis for the new government leads inevitably to disregard for the Constitution we see today. When they rejected the absolute standard, the founders guaranteed that their posterity would end up adrift in a sea of subjectivity and oppression.

In the end, Mr. Barton calls for a return to the "original intent" of the founders to create a limited government based on Christian principles. But the flaw in his thesis makes this impossible.

Departure from the original intent of the Constitution is not our problem. Rather, our problem lies in the seeds of humanism and religious neutrality that were planted originally in the Constitution and are bearing their evil fruit today.

For more information about the anti-Christian features of the U.S. Constitution visit http://www.america-betrayed-1787.com/us-constitution.html Dennis Woods is webmaster and also a political pollster and fundraiser in Oregon, using the Dog Catcher Campaign Strategy: http://www.america-betrayed-1787.com/gary-north.html



วันพฤหัสบดีที่ 4 เมษายน พ.ศ. 2556

A Review of Mark Levin's "Liberty and Tyranny"

AppId is over the quota
AppId is over the quota

The number one best-selling non-fiction hard-back book in the United States at the time of this review is Mark Levin's 'Liberty and Tyranny' (Threshold Editions/Simon and Schuster). Its subtitle says it all: 'A Conservative Manifesto'. This book consists of just 245 pages including its 38 pages of notes--yet, it contains more knowledge of current politics and the relevant economic and historical knowledge than any other book one is likely to find out there in the waste land of American popular non-fiction today. It is also a philosophical work--and probably the most important American philosophical work to be published since Ayn Rand's philosophical novel 'Atlas Shrugged' (1957).

Mark Levin is "huge fan" of Ayn Rand, and so it is fitting that sales of 'Atlas Shrugged' have also dramatically surged upward since our current Presidential Administration got elected into office in November of 2008. 'Liberty and Tyranny' was begun, and most of it written, at least 18 months before it was released for mass consumption on March 23rd, 2009. So, much of this book proves prescient. The Conservative manifesto of 'Liberty and Tyranny' must be scaring the hell out of the Liberals, the Democrats, and the RINOs--those who seek to give us Hell on Earth for our lives (but not for theirs). These are times which try people's souls; this book is a bright and burning lantern in the darkness, which explains its huge sales. If enough people read and understand this book, the mad Libs will be in more trouble than they have been since 1980.

The great power of 'Liberty and Tyranny' lies in the fact that it centers entirely around ageless, timeless principles--the principles which manifest Conservative thought and deed. No Liberal has any principles; all that citizen Liberals want is for the government to guarantee that nobody can be "better" than they are, and all that Liberal politicians want is power, as much power as they can possibly have over everyone else's lives. There are no principles in their views--only fear and power-lust, nothing more.

Mark Levin lays out in exquisite detail and clear, concise, consistent prose precisely where Conservative principles have their origins, the objective evidence for why they work, and their historical precedents. He actually does not call the Liberals by that name throughout most of the book, as that label has historically been applied in different ways and could cause some confusion; instead, he calls them "Statists": those who worship government and/or work in the government who want to expand its power relentlessly and, in truth, infinitely.

Conservatism is what gives us liberty; Statism is what puts us under the iron fist of tyranny. Conservatism has precious little to do with what the Statist makes so many gullible Americans of all classes believe it does. Levin proves this premise true over and over and over again, whether writing about the need to read the Constitution as it was written and derive its original meanings and intents from historical context and extratextual letters, journals, and notes written by the Founders; or the insipid evil of mad Liberal science on issues like the spurious grounds for banning of DDT and the massive man-made global warming fraud; or the evil of Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid; or the need for the federal government to do just the one thing that it was ever supposed to do: preserve the American civil society.

'Liberty and 'Tyranny' tells us that "so distant is America today from its founding principles that it is difficult to precisely describe the nature of American government." Levin also reminds us that President Ronald Reagan said, "Freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction". The book ends with the epilogue of "A Conservative Manifesto" and lays out a 10-point call-to-action plan that all need to hear in these dark days.

Read Mark Levin's 'Liberty and Tyranny'. Meaningfully mark it up. Read it over again. Read it slowly. Give it to your children and grandchildren as presents--and when you do, put a little sticky note on the cover saying, "I'm sorry for what I've done to you."

You can find Mark Levin's "Liberty and Tyranny" at the conservative books [http://www.american-conservativevalues.com/books/conservative-books.html] section at American Conservative Values [http://www.american-conservativevalues.com/].



วันเสาร์ที่ 23 มีนาคม พ.ศ. 2556

Bridge On The Drina - A Yugoslav Novel

AppId is over the quota
AppId is over the quota

There are rare books in Dayal Singh Library at ITO in Delhi. The Bridge on the Drina is a very powerful novel written by a Yugoslav doctor.

I was casually browsing through the books in the shelves. I would go through the opening paragraphs and if I liked it, I would take it.

The book opens with a vivid description of the turbulent river and the boatman, before the construction of the bridge. It ends with the blasting of the river by Turks, after withdrawal from Kosovo.

I got a clear picture of the Kosovo problem after reading the book.

The two powers, the Turks and the Russians, were at war frequently, with periods of rest, for the control of Eastern Europe in the fifteenth century. At that time Turky was in control of the whole of Europe, except Russian Europe.

After one such war, Kosovo, a Slav majority area, comes under the control of Turkey, when peace treaty is signed. The theme of the novel is the Slav resistance movement against the Turks. On one side of the river are the Muslims who favour Turkey and on the opposite side are the Slavs, fighting a guerrilla war against Turkey.

Three friends," terrorists", make a secret plan to sabotage the construction of the bridge. The Turks want the bridge for movement of troops against Russia, their leader warns. Shall we stand still, watching it come up?

Meanwhile, work is going on under the supervision of the Turkish commander, who conscripts the entire villagers for voluntary work and, after the piers are constructed, girders are being made.

Every day they find some tools go missing. After diligent watch, the three men are caught, but two manage to jump into the river, to face certain death. The third man is put on the stake.

Experts are hired for this work. A stake is inserted through the rectum and thrust into the body without damaging any internal organs like the heart, lungs, stomach etc., till it comes out of the mouth, and is put up in a busy place, until the man dies after several days....People watch helplessly, as any act of sympathy will invite punishment.

After his death, a close friend removes the body secretly in the night and performs funeral ceremony according to Christian rites.

When the work is over, it becomes public place, with gardens, tea shops etc. Lovers enjoy the sight from the bridge! Special arrangements have been made on the bridge for people to spend their evenings and it becomes a busy centre.

Movement across the bridge is closely watched by military officers. One officer is duped into falling in love with a not so young woman guerrilla activist, in veil, who escorts 'her ill grandmother' (a guerrilla leader), also in veil, several times across the river. When exposed, the officer commits suicide! This chapter alone can be published as a short story!

There is no hero or heroine. Each chapter is independent. Several important characters come and go.

After a long time, following a fresh treaty between Russia and Turkey, the latter withdraws from Slav areas and blows up the bridge after withdrawal, for which suitable holes had been secretly built into the piers. The novel ends here.

There are several gripping stories in between and the book is never boring. The reader will find it difficult to believe that it is written by a doctor!

The remnants of the bridge can still be seen.



วันอังคารที่ 12 มีนาคม พ.ศ. 2556

In Search of the Elusive Third Way

AppId is over the quota
AppId is over the quota

Be the Solution
By Michael Strong
Foreword by John Mackey

Many supporters of Obamacare regard the bill's passage as a dual triumph. Not only has Congress had its way with a disinclined American public, but the bill itself is a prime example of the "third way," the devoutly to be wished for consummation of capitalism and socialism. Thus the celebrations.

For the rest of us it's simply another opportunity to enjoy again Fr. John Neuhaus's famous observation regarding those who believe in that particular unicorn:

"The vicissitudes of history have not dissuaded them from their earnest search for a 'third way' between socialism and capitalism, namely socialism."

Oh, Father John, you are sorely missed.

As it happens there is a new movement afoot - nascent to be sure, but important nonetheless - that is also seeking a third way, namely capitalism. Its promoters argue that capitalism is the best way to achieve numerous good ends, including world peace, better health, improved education, the raising of billions out of poverty, a pristine environment, and greater personal happiness.

"So," you may be asking, "what exactly is new?"

Well, nothing, really, save the overarching political views of those newly espousing these ideas, and the political demographic to whom they are preaching. Specifically, there is growing within the left a new respect for capitalism. And as we all know, there is no zealot like the convert.

Examples are popping up everywhere. For example, here is Lucy Corne castigating "penny-pinching hippies" on BootsnAll, a website devoted to backpacking travelers: "Wake up and smell the incense, hippies: sure, grass-roots travel is all about avoiding multi-nationals in favor of local businesses, but shelling out two or three dollars a day is worse than spending vast chunks of change in five-star hotels - at least that creates employment."

Indeed, many leftists have seized on these ideas as if they were freshly minted. This is altogether a good thing, because there is nothing that so attracts the liberal mind like a glittering new intellectual fad. Is it really necessary to let them know they have stumbled into an archaeological dig? That would diminish their enthusiasm, and it is their enthusiasm that will make all the difference.

Or that, at least, is the theory underlying the extended essay that is Be the Solution, a new book by Michael Strong and John Mackey. Strong has spent his career successfully reintroducing old ideas into education, while Mackey is the founder and CEO of Whole Foods.

Theirs is just one of a number of recently published books that have the same or similar message, among them Saving Capitalism from the Capitalists; Philanthrocapitalism: How the Rich Can Save the World; The Heroic Enterprise: Business and the Common Good; and Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi's Good Business: Leadership, Flow, and the Making of Meaning.

In addition to hyperbolic titles, these books share the the notion that profits may provide the best means of solving the world's ills. As one reviewer put it, "It used to be that people who wanted to solve a social problem - like lack of access to clean water or inadequate housing for the poor - created a charity. Today, many start a company instead."

The apostasy isn't entire, with these new cheerleaders for capitalism often retaining their personal identity as liberals. After all, if capitalism is good for the world, it is largely a coincidence that conservatives have long embraced it. Even Milton Friedman, the patron saint of conservative economics, is spared that awful stamp as Strong kindly notes in Be the Solution that Friedman denied he was a conservative.

While Adam Smith is ever present in Be the Solution, the Buddha and the Dalai Lama are also given honored mentions. In keeping with the zeitgeist, Christian philosophy is almost altogether absent, but the Hoover Institution and The Cato Institute show up regularly. They are virtually always relegated to the small type in the footnotes, but wily old Paul Johnson makes multiple appearances within the text itself.

Mackey is to be commended for participating in this work. Several months ago he expressed his displeasure with Obamacare in a column he penned for the Wall Street Journal, describing as a better alternative the medical plan he established for his thousands of employees. You will not be surprised to learn his system gives Whole Foods workers the maximum possible choice in providers, and puts the onus on the individual to make his own health care spending decisions.

Many of Mackey's customer weren't happy, and some called for a boycott. So be it, Mackey said.

In his own way, Strong's background is just as interesting. After high school he attended Harvard for one year, but found it unserious. He transferred to St. John's College in Santa Fe, NM, where he spent the next three years immersed in the Great Books, an undertaking that was much more to his liking.

If you find the title Be the Solution saccharine, you will not care at all for the book's subtitle: "How Entrepreneurs and Conscious Capitalists Can Solve All the World's Problems."

But the issue lies only with our mildly abraded aesthetic sense, and perhaps with that modifier "all." On the other hand, who among us was entirely comfortable leaving our copy of How to Swim with the Sharks Without Getting Eaten in plain view? I would call this excellent marketing, hitting the bullseye of its intended audience, the folks Strong calls "idealists."

Idealists is a broad term, and includes most of us, even those of us who don't wear our hearts on our t-shirts. By idealists, Strong means those on the left; we can also say those who believe all of the world's problems can be solved.

While Mackey is given equal billing (surely another wise marketing move), Strong is in fact the master of ceremonies and lead architect of this large and wildly ambitious book. One reviewer has suggested skipping everything other than Strong's words, and if you intend to simply sit down and read it through, novel-like, that isn't a bad idea. But the book provides a great deal more of value, including an entire library of arguments in favor of its thesis. This includes contributions by Muhammad Yunus, Nobel Peace Prize winner for his for-profit micro-lending bank; Hernando de Soto, whose studies of the free market in South America are effecting a revolution there (an anti-socialist one, for a refreshing change); plus some specialists on happiness, including advice on achieving higher consciousness via your job. (You see, great marketing.)

If you want to improve the condition of the world's people, they each say, there is only one mechanism capable of achieving this, and that is the unleashed power of every entrepreneur in the world. Entrepreneurs are roughly defined as everyone.

Governments will be required to firmly ensure property rights, and to otherwise stay out of the way.

The examples are provided by the dozen, including several glowing write-ups of Wal-Mart's astounding record of lifting tens of millions of ordinary Chinese citizens out of poverty. The argument is also well and repeatedly made that the establishment of market mechanisms will best secure the health of our natural resources (the "environment" in today's popular usage). As he does occasionally in this book, on this issue Strong not-so-tenderly treads on leftist nostrums, pointing out that current efforts promoting the "change in consciousness" premise of environmental improvement are "completely unrealistic."

Many of these ideas aren't new. But it would be unfair to say Strong is simply re-stating old ideas. He brings to them a notable vigor and erudition -- and when those might be insufficient, torrents of data and and anecdotal evidence. Would we had more on the right who could make these points so well.

Perhaps more importantly, he states his various subtheses in language that will not be too jarring to the leftist who is encountering these ideas for the first time. That's something few conservatives have the patience to do.

It is an altogether earnest piece of work, and nowhere more so than in confronting the issue that has long bedeviled capitalists: is doing good good business?

Milton Friedman, who as you may recall was not a conservative, was fond of quoting Adam Smith on this question: "I have never known much good done by those who profess to trade for the public good."

Mackey disagrees, saying the healthiest and most profitable businesses arise not out of individual greed, but rather out of a management philosophy that takes into account everyone involved in the free exchange of goods. "Conscious Capitalism," the catch phrase of the day, is defined as voluntary and fiscally healthful transactions that serve the interests of suppliers, employees, management, the environment and customers. Mackey provides statistics to support this notion, though he primarily relies on his own experience at Whole Foods.

Mackey says his customers are happy to spend the sums necessary to enjoy the benefits of shopping at Whole Foods, which include the cultured aesthetics of the physical plant and the products, and the healthful benefits of "going organic." Philanthropic causes, like those supported by Whole Foods, are also among his customers' priorities.

Other, less visibly "idealistic" companies are now discovering the same dynamic. Robert Szafran, a sociology professor at Stephen F. Austin University, recently noted that Home Depot is finding it useful to promote an image of social responsibility as a means of recruiting good hires.

Strong turns to Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs to explain the growing appeal of marketing that extends beyond matching price to product, noting that once the basic needs are achieved (food, shelter, security) we begin seeking to belong and to be esteemed. Try finding a better description than that for Whole Foods shoppers.

It could be argued that the prices charged at Whole Foods, which range from high to absurd, provide the necessary buffer to ensure everyone, including the largely well-to-do clientele, is happy. But let's not cavil. I don't shop at Whole Foods because I regard the expensive effort toward aesthetic satisfaction not worth the money (and perhaps a bit manipulative), and I further believe the increased cost of buying organic food is unnecessary. Organic food is nice, but when you compare the billions of lives that have been saved by chemical fertilizers with the unknown but assuredly minuscule number saved by organic foods, there is just no comparison. Indeed, if you are regularly driving two additional miles to purchase organic foods you have surely tipped the risk management scales against you.

But that's just me. Somebody's buying one helluva lot of stuff from Whole Foods, and I say God bless 'em. That's their business.

The real question regarding "Conscious Capitalism," in which the goal is largely or wholly to meet the needs of others, is: why bother?

If profits are all that matter, doesn't it just make sense that you should simply take whatever steps are necessary to increase shareholder value?

Part of the answer is provided above: Mackey says doing good for everyone does good for the bottom line. Nice idea, but history proves differently. Yes, you can earn reasonable, and occasionally fabulous profits by ensuring everyone is served. That's the whole point of Rotary's corny and entirely useful Four Way Test.

But raw greed -- which is exactly what it sometimes is -- has its own impressive history.

Strong counters that conscious capitalism provides additional benefits, including an enhanced level of happiness. As he puts it, you can make money, serve others, and have fun. Who wouldn't want that?

Strong provides voluminous data on the science of happiness, which is now being studied for the first time as an academic enterprise. Once again, the results are those anticipated: we are happiest when we are fully engaged in what we should be doing, particularly when it provides benefits to ourselves and others.

While noting that the world is richer than ever, and that billions of people now have the means to purchase luxuries that would have made Louis Quatorze weep with envy, Strong also recognizes that levels of happiness have remained largely static, and have perhaps declined.

This, he says, is another of the world's problems that can be solved through conscious capitalism In the same way their contributions have wrought wonders in the digital world and medical care, entrepreneurs can provide miraculous new tools for creating happiness.

Those who are now rolling their eyes might find interesting John Lamont's essay in the latest edition of First Things, which he begins by asking an important question: Why are Americans the most church-going people in the world? Lamont says recent research is pointing to a perhaps unexpected answer: "The free market... has permitted religious groups that adopt successful strategies to expand, and to do so at the expense of those groups that fail."

The established churches of Europe have endured no competitive challenge, and are the duller for it.

Greater freedom for entrepreneurs will in the end improve our education system, our environment, our aesthetic enjoyment, and give us more happy, fulfilling lives.

So, why hasn't everyone become a conscious capitalist? As Mackey says, most entrepreneurs already are conscious capitalists. Very few find the pot at the end of the rainbow sufficient cause to endure the exquisite difficulties that are required to build a new business. Instead they do it because they seek a challenge, or they receive a profound satisfaction from creating jobs, or because it's just damn good fun.

In the end, it's the few well publicized jerks (Strong's term) that give the rest a bad name.

Once again I'll point out there is nothing new in that observation. But that doesn't diminish the importance of having it said by John Mackey. If the idealists who read this book take from it just one lesson, let's hope it's that one.

Mark Couhig has been a writer and editor for more than 30 years.



วันเสาร์ที่ 2 มีนาคม พ.ศ. 2556

For the Disappointed, the Deluded and the Disillusioned, the Promise Sets the Record Straight

AppId is over the quota
AppId is over the quota

Alter's book may be about the first year of Obama's presidency, but it feels like it covers decades of American history. There's a great moment in Oliver Stone's film Nixon in which the protagonist concludes a conference held during 1963 in which allies call for him to run for president in 68 by rejecting their offer, saying "in politics five years is an eternity." All too true. This was before the JFK assassination, Vietnam, the climax of the civil rights movement, etc.

It's astonishing how many issues come up in The Promise: Health care, Afghanistan, the war on terror, the auto bailouts, the stimulus, education, Republican obstructionism, research and development in science and medicine... Following politics during the Obama era can be challenging and disorienting because there is so much to keep up with. But Alter does a fine job at guiding the reader through everything with precision. His decision to employ the voice of an historian, as opposed to that of a contemporary journalist, by talking in the past tense, lends the narrative an air of neutrality and authority; his research enables him to provide at once an inside perspective gleaned from interviews with Obama and his aides and an external viewpoint culled from the media and public opinion; and his prose are crisp and clear-The Promise is not quite a page turner, but it can be a quick read.

Most important, the author puts many things in perspective by fully delineating Obama's legislative accomplishments, how and why they are poorly understood by the public, and the president's decision-making process.

Here are some of the highlights: the Stimulus Package consisted of "five landmark pieces of legislation in one," featuring "the biggest tax cuts for the middle class since Reagan, the biggest infrastructure bill since the Interstate Highway Act in the 1950's, the biggest education bill since Lyndon Johnson's first federal aid to education," and "the biggest scientific and medical research investment in forty years" (131). Alter explains that the "Race to the Top" education program allocates billions of dollars to be awarded only to states that illustrate improvement in student/teacher performance.

Nevertheless, most Americans felt little impact (and amazingly continue to confuse the stimulus with the bailouts) because the benefits, such as "energy tax credits, scientific research, and averted teacher layoffs were largely invisible" (128). In other words, although according to most economists the stimulus staved off a depression and put in place a plethora of programs that will benefit the country in time, the average American saw few tangible effects of the effort in his daily life.

As for health care reform, the author calls attention to the administration's lesser known decision to incentivize health care providers to switch from the fee-for-service model to a salary-based one for doctors. Most of the top hospitals employ this method, and it will save billions. This along with Medicare cuts and prioritizing preventive care will significantly reduce the financial burden of health care according to a CBO analysis. Alter provides a nice summary of the reform, which, among other things, will insure 31 out of the remaining 47 million uninsured Americans by providing subsidies for them to join a new exchange market and guarantee coverage for those with pre-existing conditions.

Alter explains that Obama knew his push for reform would damage his approval ratings, and most of his aides begged him to back off. But he persisted, driven by the belief that health care costs would render the national debt unmanageable in a matter of years. Although he could not include everything he wanted in the legislation, Obama took solace in considering how FDR's social security program was at first feeble but strengthened with each ensuing decade. Not surprisingly, health care reform was unpopular because the real benefits got lost in the national discussion, which revolved around angry disinformation on the right about death panels and lamentation on the left about the lack of a public option. The latter was more surprising and confusing, however, because, as Alter points out, "the phrase 'public option' wasn't used a single time in a single campaign speech... but now it became a rallying cry for the liberal base" (259). As with the stimulus, health care reform fell prey to imaginary problems and awful PR.

Perhaps most fascinating and worth reading, however, is the discussion of Obama's decision-making process. He deliberates with acute care and caution, but, contrary to his detractors' claims, once he makes up his mind, he does so decisively. To quote Alter, Obama's "approach in meetings resembled that of a judge in a courtroom. The president, advisors said, was often like a swing-vote Supreme Court justice peppering lawyers with questions during oral arguments without revealing which side of the case he would come down on" (219). However, once a decision had been made, Obama's attitude was, "it's settled and I don't want to see it on my desk again" (221).

In addition, Alter describes how every day Obama receives a "purple folder" containing ten letters (selected from a pool of forty thousand) written by ordinary Americans. The letters provide the president with a "lifeline to the world outside the bubble" (213) of Washington and enable him to connect with the people by perusing accounts of their problems, such as health care induced bankruptcy or general injustices. He composes two or three personal handwritten notes in reply each day.

Above all, The Promise did much to restore my faith and confidence in Obama. We all know how rocky and confounding his fist year in office was. And for an administration which most people can agree experienced serious communication deficiencies, Alter's book does an excellent job at providing the White House's perspective, all the while offering fair criticism. For example, Alter dismisses Obama's temporary boycott of Fox News, claiming that it was counterproductive and created the charge that if the president is willing to negotiate with enemies abroad, such as Iran, it's hypocritical of him to refuse to talk to enemies at home.

The book also satisfactorily details the thinking behind many of Obama's controversial strategies: In Iran Obama remained quiet during the Green Revolution last summer lest he revive an excuse for the regime to blame America for the uproar and brand it a conspiracy with any credibility; next, the president deems the Israeli-Arab peace process essential for the former, whose current predicament is unsustainable in the long run, and he has been more irate at the latter (ironically), who have acted as if they could just sit back and wait till the White House dismantles all the settlements; in Afghanistan, he ordered a pay increase for the Afghan army to recruit soldiers that would have previously been enticed by the Taliban's generous salaries, and he set a deadline for troop withdrawal to signal that the Afghans should feel a sense of urgency at training soldiers and securing the country rather than become too reliant on American forces; last, he failed to create a smart grid with his stimulus package not because of a lack of effort or desire, but because the bureaucratic hurdles were insurmountable, forcing the president to focus on smaller projects to reshape our energy system.

In sum, The Promise offers a thorough account of a tumultuous first year for a highly capable, intellectually impressive, surprisingly tough and persistent president struggling with the most demanding of all jobs and a severely damaged political system.

For more visit my blog: http://scholarlywritingreviewed.com



วันอังคารที่ 19 กุมภาพันธ์ พ.ศ. 2556

She is Now the World's Leading Diplomat - A Book Review

AppId is over the quota
AppId is over the quota

All too often the citizens of the United States get into a huff over politics. They refuse to read the books of politicians which don't agree with them. They call their works "trash" without ever reading a single chapter. Personally, I cannot do that, I want to know what the opposition party has to say, I'd like to listen to their arguments, and I like to, or rather enjoy finding flaws in their logic.

Interestingly enough, often they make very good points. As a conservative, you might find it odd that I'd recommend that you read Hillary Rodham Clinton's book; It Takes a Village. Nevertheless, I'm going to recommend that you read this book because she does bring up some very good points, and although most of them have probably crossed your mind, or you've heard the political argument, it's best to hear it in her own words.

After all, this woman is now the top diplomat of the world. The full title of the book is;

"It Takes a Village - and Other Lessons Children Teach Us," by Hilary Rodham Clinton

There were some things that I enjoyed in the book and a few quotes that I like to share with you, two things that caught my eye, and reminded me that in reality there is a baseline of knowledge, and common sense that we all share. The first quote was; "Kids do not come with instruction manuals," which is absolutely true, and it's not that we wish to take away parenting, or tell others how to raise their children, but it's definitely something to think about along her lines of the debate and argument.

The next quote that I thought was pretty interesting was; "The best tool you can give a child is a shovel," and I think you'll enjoy that chapter. Even if you do not like Hillary Clinton politically, I'm going to hereby recommend that you read this book, and no, as a conservative I didn't agree with all of it, but there were parts of it that were interesting. And it was a decent philosophical dialogue of a left-leaning politician. Please consider all this.

Lance Winslow is a retired Founder of a Nationwide Franchise Chain, and now runs the Online Think Tank. Lance Winslow believes in a full understanding of the issues.